It is astonishing how little insight into the science of economicsrnmany of the men who move in the midst of active life possess. Hence itrnis that even Jews faithfully repeat the cry of the Anti-Semites: "Werndepend for sustenance on the nations who are our hosts, and if we hadrnno hosts to support us we should die of starvation." This is a pointrnthat shows how unjust accusations may weaken our self-knowledge. Butrnwhat are the true grounds for this statement concerning the nationsrnthat act as "hosts"? Where it is not based on limited physiocraticrnviews it is founded on the childish error that commodities pass fromrnhand to hand in continuous rotation. We need not wake from longrnslumber, like Rip van Winkle, to realize that the world isrnconsiderably altered by the production of new commodities. Therntechnical progress made during this wonderful era enables even a manrnof most limited intelligence to note with his short-sighted eyes thernappearance of new commodities all around him. The spirit of enterprisernhas created them.rnrnLabor without enterprise is the stationary labor of ancient days; andrntypical of it is the work of the husbandman, who stands now just wherernhis progenitors stood a thousand years ago. All our material welfarernhas been brought about by men of enterprise. I feel almost ashamed ofrnwriting down so trite a remark. Even if we were a nation ofrnentrepreneurs--such as absurdly exaggerated accounts make us out tornbe--we should not require another nation to live on. We do not dependrnon the circulation of old commodities, because we produce new ones.rnrnThe world possesses slaves of extraordinary capacity for work, whosernappearance has been fatal to the production of handmade goods: thesernslaves are the machines. It is true that workmen are required to setrnmachinery in motion; but for this we have men in plenty, inrnsuper-abundance. Only those who are ignorant of the conditions of Jewsrnin many countries of Eastern Europe would venture to assert that Jewsrnare either unfit or unwilling to perform manual labor.rnrnBut I do not wish to take up the cudgels for the Jews in thisrnpamphlet. It would be useless. Everything rational and everythingrnsentimental that can possibly be said in their defence has been saidrnalready. If one's hearers are incapable of comprehending them, one isrna preacher in a desert. And if one's hearers are broad and high-mindedrnenough to have grasped them already, then the sermon is superfluous. Irnbelieve in the ascent of man to higher and yet higher grades ofrncivilization; but I consider this ascent to be desperately slow. Werernwe to wait till average humanity had become as charitably inclined asrnwas Lessing when he wrote "Nathan the Wise," we should wait beyond ourrnday, beyond the days of our children, of our grandchildren, and of ourrngreat-grandchildren. But the world's spirit comes to our aid inrnanother way.rnrnThis century has given the world a wonderful renaissance by means ofrnits technical achievements; but at the same time its miraculousrnimprovements have not been employed in the service of humanity.rnDistance has ceased to be an obstacle, yet we complain of insufficientrnspace. Our great steamships carry us swiftly and surely over hithertornunvisited seas. Our railways carry us safely into a mountain-worldrnhitherto tremblingly scaled on foot. Events occurring in countriesrnundiscovered when Europe confined the Jews in Ghettos are known to usrnin the course of an hour. Hence the misery of the Jews is anrnanachronism--not because there was a period of enlightenment onernhundred years ago, for that enlightenment reached in reality only thernchoicest spirits.rnrnI believe that electric light was not invented for the purpose ofrnilluminating the drawing-rooms of a few snobs, but rather for thernpurpose of throwing light on some of the dark problems of humanity.rnOne of these problems, and not the least of them, is the Jewishrnquestion. In solving it we are working not only for ourselves, butrnalso for many other over-burdened and oppressed beings.rnrnThe Jewish question still exists. It would be foolish to deny it. Itrnis a remnant of the Middle Ages, which civilized nations do not evenrnyet seem able to shake off, try as they will. They certainly showed arngenerous desire to do so when they emancipated us. The Jewish questionrnexists wherever Jews live in perceptible numbers. Where it does notrnexist, it is carried by Jews in the course of their migrations. Wernnaturally move to those places where we are not persecuted, and therernour presence produces persecution. This is the case in every country,rnand will remain so, even in those highly civilized--for instance,rnFrance--until the Jewish question finds a solution on a politicalrnbasis. The unfortunate Jews are now carrying the seeds ofrnAnti-Semitism into England; they have already introduced it intornAmerica.rnrnI believe that I understand Anti-Semitism, which is really a highlyrncomplex movement. I consider it from a Jewish standpoint, yet withoutrnfear or hatred. I believe that I can see what elements there are in itrnof vulgar sport, of common trade jealousy, of inherited prejudice, ofrnreligious intolerance, and also of pretended self-defence. I think thernJewish question is no more a social than a religious one,rnnotwithstanding that it sometimes takes these and other forms. It is arnnational question, which can only be solved by making it a politicalrnworld-question to be discussed and settled by the civilized nations ofrnthe world in council.rnrnWe are a people--one people.rnrnWe have honestly endeavored everywhere to merge ourselves in thernsocial life of surrounding communities and to preserve the faith ofrnour fathers. We are not permitted to do so. In vain are we loyalrnpatriots, our loyalty in some places running to extremes; in vain dornwe make the same sacrifices of life and property as ourrnfellow-citizens; in vain do we strive to increase the fame of ourrnnative land in science and art, or her wealth by trade and commerce.rnIn countries where we have lived for centuries we are still cried downrnas strangers, and often by those whose ancestors were not yetrndomiciled in the land where Jews had already had experience ofrnsuffering. The majority may decide which are the strangers; for this,rnas indeed every point which arises in the relations between nations,rnis a question of might. I do not here surrender any portion of ourrnprescriptive right, when I make this statement merely in my own namernas an individual. In the world as it now is and for an indefiniternperiod will probably remain, might precedes right. It is useless,rntherefore, for us to be loyal patriots, as were the Huguenots who werernforced to emigrate. If we could only be left in peace....rnrnBut I think we shall not be left in peace.rnrnOppression and persecution cannot exterminate us. No nation on earthrnhas survived such struggles and sufferings as we have gone through.rnJew-baiting has merely stripped off our weaklings; the strong among usrnwere invariably true to their race when persecution broke out againstrnthem. This attitude was most clearly apparent in the periodrnimmediately following the emancipation of the Jews. Those Jews whornwere advanced intellectually and materially entirely lost the feelingrnof belonging to their race. Wherever our political well-being hasrnlasted for any length of time, we have assimilated with ourrnsurroundings. I think this is not discreditable. Hence, the statesmanrnwho would wish to see a Jewish strain in his nation would have tornprovide for the duration of our political well-being; and even arnBismarck could not do that.rnrnFor old prejudices against us still lie deep in the hearts of thernpeople. He who would have proofs of this need only listen to thernpeople where they speak with frankness and simplicity: proverb andrnfairy-tale are both Anti-Semitic. A nation is everywhere a greatrnchild, which can certainly be educated; but its education would, evenrnin most favorable circumstances, occupy such a vast amount of timernthat we could, as already mentioned, remove our own difficulties byrnother means long before the process was accomplished.rnrnAssimilation, by which I understood not only external conformity inrndress, habits, customs, and language, but also identity of feeling andrnmanner--assimilation of Jews could be effected only by intermarriage.rnBut the need for mixed marriages would have to be felt by thernmajority; their mere recognition by law would certainly not suffice.rnrnThe Hungarian Liberals, who have just given legal sanction to mixedrnmarriages, have made a remarkable mistake which one of the earliestrncases clearly illustrates; a baptized Jew married a Jewess. At thernsame time the struggle to obtain the present form of marriagernaccentuated distinctions between Jews and Christians, thus hinderingrnrather than aiding the fusion of races.rnrnThose who really wished to see the Jews disappear through intermixturernwith other nations, can only hope to see it come about in one way. ThernJews must previously acquire economic power sufficiently great tornovercome the old social prejudice against them. The aristocracy mayrnserve as an example of this, for in its ranks occur thernproportionately largest numbers of mixed marriages. The Jewishrnfamilies which regild the old nobility with their money becomerngradually absorbed. But what form would this phenomenon assume in thernmiddle classes, where (the Jews being a bourgeois people) the Jewishrnquestion is mainly concentrated? A previous acquisition of power couldrnbe synonymous with that economic supremacy which Jews are alreadyrnerroneously declared to possess. And if the power they now possessrncreates rage and indignation among the Anti-Semites, what outbreaksrnwould such an increase of power create? Hence the first step towardsrnabsorption will never be taken, because this step would involve thernsubjection of the majority to a hitherto scorned minority, possessingrnneither military nor administrative power of its own. I think,rntherefore, that the absorption of Jews by means of their prosperity isrnunlikely to occur. In countries which now are Anti-Semitic my viewrnwill be approved. In others, where Jews now feel comfortable, it willrnprobably be violently disputed by them. My happier co-religionistsrnwill not believe me till Jew-baiting teaches them the truth; for thernlonger Anti-Semitism lies in abeyance the more fiercely will it breakrnout. The infiltration of immigrating Jews, attracted to a land byrnapparent security, and the ascent in the social scale of native Jews,rncombine powerfully to bring about a revolution. Nothing is plainerrnthan this rational conclusion.rnrnBecause I have drawn this conclusion with complete indifference torneverything but the quest of truth, I shall probably be contradictedrnand opposed by Jews who are in easy circumstances. Insofar as privaterninterests alone are held by their anxious or timid possessors to be inrndanger, they can safely be ignored, for the concerns of the poor andrnoppressed are of greater importance than theirs. But I wish from thernoutset to prevent any misconception from arising, particularly thernmistaken notion that my project, if realized, would in the leastrndegree injure property now held by Jews. I shall therefore explainrneverything connected with rights of property very fully. Whereas, ifrnmy plan never becomes anything more than a piece of literature, thingsrnwill merely remain as they are. It might more reasonably be objectedrnthat I am giving a handle to Anti-Semitism when I say we are arnpeople--one people; that I am hindering the assimilation of Jews wherernit is about to be consummated, and endangering it where it is anrnaccomplished fact, insofar as it is possible for a solitary writer tornhinder or endanger anything.rnrnThis objection will be especially brought forward in France. It willrnprobably also be made in other countries, but I shall answer only thernFrench Jews beforehand, because these afford the most striking examplernof my point.rnrnHowever much I may worship personality--powerful individualrnpersonality in statesmen, inventors, artists, philosophers, orrnleaders, as well as the collective personality of a historic group ofrnhuman beings, which we call a nation--however much I may worshiprnpersonality, I do not regret its disappearance. Whoever can, will, andrnmust perish, let him perish. But the distinctive nationality of Jewsrnneither can, will, nor must be destroyed. It cannot be destroyed,rnbecause external enemies consolidate it. It will not be destroyed;rnthis is shown during two thousand years of appalling suffering. Itrnmust not be destroyed, and that, as a descendant of numberless Jewsrnwho refused to despair, I am trying once more to prove in thisrnpamphlet. Whole branches of Judaism may wither and fall, but the trunkrnwill remain.rnrnHence, if all or any of the French Jews protest against this scheme onrnaccount of their own "assimilation," my answer is simple: The wholernthing does not concern them at all. They are Jewish Frenchmen, wellrnand good! This is a private affair for the Jews alone.rnrnThe movement towards the organization of the State I am proposingrnwould, of course, harm Jewish Frenchmen no more than it would harm thern"assimilated" of other countries. It would, on the contrary, berndistinctly to their advantage. For they would no longer be disturbedrnin their "chromatic function," as Darwin puts it, but would be able tornassimilate in peace, because the present Anti-Semitism would have beenrnstopped for ever. They would certainly be credited with beingrnassimilated to the very depths of their souls, if they stayed wherernthey were after the new Jewish State, with its superior institutions,rnhad become a reality.rnrnThe "assimilated" would profit even more than Christian citizens byrnthe departure of faithful Jews; for they would be rid of therndisquieting, incalculable, and unavoidable rivalry of a Jewishrnproletariat, driven by poverty and political pressure from place tornplace, from land to land. This floating proletariat would becomernstationary. Many Christian citizens--whom we call Anti-Semites--canrnnow offer determined resistance to the immigration of foreign Jews.rnJewish citizens cannot do this, although it affects them far morerndirectly; for on them they feel first of all the keen competition ofrnindividuals carrying on similar branches of industry, who, inrnaddition, either introduce Anti-Semitism where it does not exist, orrnintensify it where it does. The "assimilated" give expression to thisrnsecret grievance in "philanthropic" undertakings. They organizernemigration societies for wandering Jews. There is a reverse to thernpicture which would be comic, if it did not deal with human beings.rnFor some of these charitable institutions are created not for, butrnagainst, persecuted Jews; they are created to despatch these poorrncreatures just as fast and far as possible. And thus, many an apparentrnfriend of the Jews turns out, on careful inspection, to be nothingrnmore than an Anti-Semite of Jewish origin, disguised as arnphilanthropist.rnrnBut the attempts at colonization made even by really benevolent men,rninteresting attempts though they were, have so far been unsuccessful.rnI do not think that this or that man took up the matter merely as anrnamusement, that they engaged in the emigration of poor Jews as onernindulges in the racing of horses. The matter was too grave and tragicrnfor such treatment. These attempts were interesting, in that theyrnrepresented on a small scale the practical fore-runners of the idea ofrna Jewish State. They were even useful, for out of their mistakes mayrnbe gathered experience for carrying the idea out successfully on arnlarger scale. They have, of course, done harm also. The transportationrnof Anti-Semitism to new districts, which is the inevitable consequencernof such artificial infiltration, seems to me to be the least of thesernevils. Far worse is the circumstance that unsatisfactory results tendrnto cast doubts on intelligent men. What is impractical or impossiblernto simple argument will remove this doubt from the minds ofrnintelligent men. What is unpractical or impossible to accomplish on arnsmall scale, need not necessarily be so on a larger one. A smallrnenterprise may result in loss under the same conditions which wouldrnmake a large one pay. A rivulet cannot even be navigated by boats, thernriver into which it flows carries stately iron vessels.rnrnNo human being is wealthy or powerful enough to transplant a nationrnfrom one habitation to another. An idea alone can achieve that andrnthis idea of a State may have the requisite power to do so. The Jewsrnhave dreamt this kingly dream all through the long nights of theirrnhistory. "Next year in Jerusalem" is our old phrase. It is now arnquestion of showing that the dream can be converted into a livingrnreality.rnrnFor this, many old, outgrown, confused and limited notions must firstrnbe entirely erased from the minds of men. Dull brains might, forrninstance, imagine that this exodus would be from civilized regionsrninto the desert. That is not the case. It will be carried out in thernmidst of civilization. We shall not revert to a lower stage, we shallrnrise to a higher one. We shall not dwell in mud huts; we shall buildrnnew more beautiful and more modern houses, and possess them in safety.rnWe shall not lose our acquired possessions; we shall realize them. Wernshall surrender our well earned rights only for better ones. We shallrnnot sacrifice our beloved customs; we shall find them again. We shallrnnot leave our old home before the new one is prepared for us. Thosernonly will depart who are sure thereby to improve their position; thosernwho are now desperate will go first, after them the poor; next thernprosperous, and, last of all, the wealthy. Those who go in advancernwill raise themselves to a higher grade, equal to those whosernrepresentatives will shortly follow. Thus the exodus will be at thernsame time an ascent of the class.rnrnThe departure of the Jews will involve no economic disturbances, norncrises, no persecutions; in fact, the countries they abandon willrnrevive to a new period of prosperity. There will be an inner migrationrnof Christian citizens into the positions evacuated by Jews. Thernoutgoing current will be gradual, without any disturbance, and itsrninitial movement will put an end to Anti-Semitism. The Jews will leavernas honored friends, and if some of them return, they will receive thernsame favorable welcome and treatment at the hands of civilized nationsrnas is accorded to all foreign visitors. Their exodus will have nornresemblance to a flight, for it will be a well-regulated movementrnunder control of public opinion. The movement will not only berninaugurated with absolute conformity to law, but it cannot even berncarried out without the friendly cooperation of interestedrnGovernments, who would derive considerable benefits from it.rnrnSecurity for the integrity of the idea and the vigor of its executionrnwill be found in the creation of a body corporate, or corporation.rnThis corporation will be called "The Society of Jews." In addition tornit there will be a Jewish company, an economically productive body.rnrnAn individual who attempted even to undertake this huge task alonernwould be either an impostor or a madman. The personal character of thernmembers of the corporation will guarantee its integrity, and thernadequate capital of the Company will prove its stability.rnrnThese prefatory remarks are merely intended as a hasty reply to thernmass of objections which the very words "Jewish State" are certain tornarouse. Henceforth we shall proceed more slowly to meet furtherrnobjections and to explain in detail what has been as yet onlyrnindicated; and we shall try in the interests of this pamphlet tornavoid making it a dull exposition. Short aphoristic chapters willrntherefore best answer the purpose.rnrnIf I wish to substitute a new building for an old one, I must demolishrnbefore I construct. I shall therefore keep to this natural sequence.rnIn the first and general part I shall explain my ideas, remove allrnprejudices, determine essential political and economic conditions, andrndevelop the plan.rnrnIn the special part, which is divided into three principal sections, Irnshall describe its execution. These three sections are: The JewishrnCompany, Local Groups, and the Society of Jews. The Society is to berncreated first, the Company last; but in this exposition the reversernorder is preferable, because it is the financial soundness of thernenterprise which will chiefly be called into question, and doubts onrnthis score must be removed first.rnrnIn the conclusion, I shall try to meet every further objection thatrncould possibly be made. My Jewish readers will, I hope, follow mernpatiently to the end. Some will naturally make their objections in anrnorder of succession other than that chosen for their refutation. Butrnwhoever finds his doubts dispelled should give allegiance to therncause.rnrnAlthough I speak of reason, I am fully aware that reason alone willrnnot suffice. Old prisoners do not willingly leave their cells. Wernshall see whether the youth whom we need are at our command--thernyouth, who irresistibly draw on the old, carry them forward on strongrnarms, and transform rational motives into enthusiasm.
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